Murphy DEP Commissioner’s Order Seeking Members For A Natural Resource Restoration Advisory Council Highlights Failure By The Legislature To Enact Enforceable Natural Resource Damage Standards

DEP Order Emphasizes “Collaboration” With Polluters And Will Produce More Voluntary Pennies On The Dollar NRD Settlements

DEP Order Is Non-Binding And Does Not Resolve Legal Vulnerabilities

“There’s this wink and a nod going on where the DEP is saying, ‘We won’t squeeze you too hard if you just come to the table and settle,’” Wolfe said. ~~~ NJ Law Journal (April 2, 2015)

We need to set the context, before getting to today’s news from the Murphy DEP,  soliciting members for a new Natural Resource Restoration Advisory Council.

Over 21 years ago, Gov. McGreevey’s DEP Commissioner Brad Campbell – who I served as a policy advisor – issued an Administrative Order that announced a new, greatly expanded, and aggressive Natural Resource Damage litigation strategy, policy, and program at over 4,000 hazardous waste sites, see:

Ooops! Sorry, you can’t see that, because the current DEP Commissioner has killed the link and erased that history.

Now, why would he want to do that?

Answer: so he can spin the public because the press and public have no context to understand why his own NRD Order is seriously flawed and his new Natural Resource Restoration Council will be lame.

But he forgot to kill the press releases that announced that 2003 Campbell initiative, see:

NEWARK —Working to recover compensation on behalf of the citizens of New Jersey for the lost use of natural resources caused by industrial pollution, Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) Commissioner Bradley M. Campbell today announced a large-scale directive to address more than 4,000 potential claims for natural resource damages statewide. In addition, Commissioner Campbell today ordered 66 responsible parties to assess and restore natural resource injuries to the Passaic River caused by 18 contaminated sites within its watershed.

Since Commissioner Campbell’s 2003 NRD Order and the filing of hundreds of NRD lawsuits against corporate polluters, the DEP’s NRD program has come under severe political and legal attacks.

Since then, multiple corporate lawsuits – including some litigated by current DEP Commissioner LaTourette representing corporate polluters – have blocked DEP recovery of natural resource damages.

Specifically, LaTourette represented Essex Chemical in a successful lawsuit, see:

But the Essex Chemical case was not LaTourette’s only corporate polluters’ rodeo – check this one out:

The ethics were so blatant, I filed a complaint with the State Ethics Commission, see:

But it gets even worse.

The DEP NRD program’s denouement was Governor Christie’s notorious 3 cents on the dollar $225 million settlement of DEP’s $8.9 billion lawsuit claim against corporate polluter Exxon Byway refinery.

In an unprecedented move, former Commissioner Campbell took to the Op-Ed page of The NY Times to blast that corrupt deal, which itself generated harsh news coverage and a scathing editorial by The NY Times, see:

The primary reason for DEP losing multiple NRD lawsuits was DEP’s failure to adopt enforceable NRD regulation, particularly standards and methods to quantify and economically value natural resource injuries that formed the scientific basis for the lawsuits, see NJ Law Journal:

The $225 million pollution settlement between New Jersey and Exxon Mobil Corp. has been criticized as inadequate, given the state’s $8.9 billion damages claim, but some lawyers and environmentalists have questioned whether the state’s valuation of the case would have withstood judicial scrutiny. […]

But some lawyers and environmental advocates said the state’s failure to adopt a methodology for calculating damages for harm to natural resources through the formal rule-making process—as it committed to do more than a decade ago when it settled another suit—weakened its negotiating position and led to a lower settlement in not just the Exxon case but in other natural resource damage suits it has brought.

And here’s the heart of the matter, where the NJ Law Journal article gave me, quite literally, the money quote:

Wolfe said the lack of valuation rules leaves the state vulnerable to challenges on the amount of damages.

The state “knows it has a weak legal hand,” making it reluctant to push too hard and more willing to settle, Wolfe said.

Exxon’s lawyers are “sharp enough to know this” and to assume the state knows it is legally vulnerable, Wolfe said.

“There’s this wink and a nod going on where the DEP is saying, ‘We won’t squeeze you too hard if you just come to the table and settle,’” Wolfe said.

It’s been “a quiet little dance for 10 years,” with the state knowing it can’t get more than pennies on the dollar”, Wolfe said.

For details and links to the documents, see:

The Exxon NRD settlement scandal prompted NJ Senate Environment Committee Chairman Bob Smith to establish a legislative Natural Resource Damage Task Force. The mission of the Task Force was to recommend standards and methodologies for quantifying  and monetizing natural resource injuries.

Smith’s charge to the Task Force was to develop recommendations to the Legislature to enact science based enforceable standards and reliable methods to measure and quantify natural resource injuries and the economic value of natural resource damages. As NJ Spotlight reported:

The state is seeking ways to shore up how it assesses damages to natural resources when polluters contaminate New Jersey’s waters, wildlife, and land.

By establishing clear and objective standards, the state would have an easier time of prying the money needed to restore drinking-water supplies, habitats, and other natural resources from the companies whose spills and other actions harmed them, environmental advocates say.

To that end, Sen. Bob Smith, the Democratic chairman of the Senate Environment and Energy Committee, said he plans to set up a stakeholder process to try to come up with a workable mechanism that would set such standards.

Based on these recommendations, Chairman Smith pledged to propose legislation.

Senator Smith’s lame attempt to establish standards for natural resource damages was killed by corporate power, see:

And the DEP still has not adopted NRD regulations – mandated under an 2004 judicially approved settlement – that would define, economically value, and set standards and methods for the NRD program, see:

So, here we are.

This is the backdrop for today’s new NRD Order by Murphy Commissioner LaTourette, a lawyer with dirty corporate hands in the NRD litigation arena, who should have been sanction by the State Ethics Commission, or fired already and should at least have the common sense to recuse from all NRD issues.

None of these problems have been solved. In conclusion:

  1. The DEP Commissioner’s 2023 NRD Order is not enforceable because it was not authorized by Legislation and has not been promulgated pursuant to notice and comment rulemaking. (BTW, virtually all the DEP external Advisory Councils were created by Legislation, so this Commissioner’s unilateral Order is an over-reach).

2. The new Natural Resource Advisory Council will have no teeth and will make recommendations to a fatally flawed program.

3. The provisions of the Order itself reveal that it applies only prospectively and to none of the thousands of sites DEP initiated NRD litigation way back in 2003 (see paragraphs 16 and 17).

But this post is already too long, so tomorrow we break down LaTourette’s Order and explain the prescription of failure by the new Natural Resource Restoration Advisory Council.

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Days Of Winters Past

Cold In Philly Today – Thinking of Warming Times

Sonoran desert, just outside Ajo, Arizona (December, 2020)

Bouy

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Were The Founders “Woke”? – “Toleration Statue”

We went out to the Blue Bell Park area of Wissahickon Park for a walk today and I was surprised to see this awesome statue on the top of a rock outcropping along the trail.

I’ve walked this trail many times but never saw it before. Probably because it was hidden behind the leafed out trees. Or maybe I just kept my eyes on the trail or the lovely Wissahickon creek below.

I immediately wanted to check it out, but worried about the dogs. But we all managed to scramble up the rock outcrop, 50 – 60 feet almost straight up! 2 dogs and an old man.

Wow. It’s a statue tribute to William Penn, from 1883: (link)

TOLERATION STATUE

Like many sites within the Wissahickon, the Toleration Statue has a rich history attached to it. Erected in 1883, the marble statue of a man in Quaker clothing is situated on a ridge on the eastern side of the Park just north of the Walnut Lane ridge.

Standing atop Mom Rinker’s Rock, the nine-foot-eight-inch statue has the word “Toleration” carved into its four-foot-three-inch base. Believed to be a likeness of William Penn, the statue’s title reflects the Quaker beliefs of liberty and conscience, which Penn espoused.

Note the location of the statue – on the edge of a cliff – and his visionary glance.

So, why the title “Toleration”?

(an old lawyer’s proverb I honor says: “Never ask a question you don’t already know the answer to”).

In case it has escaped the current political scene, let me note that this country was founded on Enlightenment principles, which include rationality, science, democracy, separation of Church and State, individual freedom, honest dialogue, free speech, civic virtue, a right to dissent and protest, and yes – pluralism and tolerance, even egalitarianism.

(Note: for the “original intent” Federalist Society types, there are no “markets”, or “capitalism” or “corporations” in the US Constitution).

Something to chew on for all those xenophobic, White Christian Nationalist, Fascists Trumpers.

Something also for people of good faith to latch on to in order to block the consolidation of fascist government in an appeal to unachieved American ideals.

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Time To Revive Resistance To “The Sheriff’s Wagon”

Resistance To Trump’s Plans To Create Detention Camps And Deport People

US History Provides Examples

“Seven Rings Of Protection” – Including “Violent Crowd Action”

Many people are searching for ways to resist the Trump fascist program, particularly with respect to Trump’s threats to deploy the military to crush domestic protests, to round up people in detention camps, and to jail and deport millions of people.

There are many examples in US history that provide a road map of resistance and rebellion.

One of my favorites and relevant examples to our current struggle of resisting Trump’s fascist program is the history of local revolts to sheriffs in their attempts to seize the property of people in 1780’s Pennsylvania, see:

In the introduction to his book, author Bouton frames the key questions he will explore:

… the question remains: how Democratic was the Revolution? To what extent did the Revolution actually democratize government and society? How much power did “the people” really wield? How responsive were the new governments to the interests and ideals of ordinary americans?  What kind of democracy did common folk want from the Revolution? And how happy were they with the version of democracy the Revolution brought? In short, if it was a Revolution “by the people”, to what extent was it also a Revolution “for the people”?

Chapter 3: The Gospel of the Moneyed Men: The Gentry’s New Idealshas strong parallels to our current Trump experience.

In this chapter, Bouton recounts how the greedy bankers and land owners ( “the Gentry”) sold out the common man and the democratic notions of the Revolution – and how “the people” fought back:

Amid the chaos of war, the Revolution in Pennsylvania reached its decisive turning point. The turning point was not a military loss or victory but rather a radical rethinking by the gentry of what they wanted the Revolution to be. In a stunning reversal, many genteel Pennsylvanians abandoned the vision of ’76. They did not just give up on the ideal of empowering white men: the gentry, in fact, made a complete about face. They began condemning the Revolution’s democratic achievements and started calling for important decisions to be removed from popular control. Much of the gentry also replaced its support for wealth equality with a new belief that the only way to make America great was to put most of the money and land in the hands of the wealthy. In short, during the war, much of the gentry came to embrace ideals that had far more in common with the beliefs of their former British masters than they did with the ideals of 1776.

Bankers, greed, privatization, concentration of wealth, private corporate power, exploitation of labor, appropriation of land, voter suppression, Feudal Oligarchy – sound familiar?

Bouton sees how the resistance was based on “7 concentric rings of protection”:

During the 1780’s, ordinary Pennsylvanians constructed elaborate resistance networks designed to shield themselves from the harmful effects of state policies. … the first [rings] were formed by county revenue officials who tried to thwart tax collection. The second ring was composed of county justices of the peace who refused to prosecute delinquent taxpayers and collectors. The third ring was formed by juries who acquitted those accused of not paying their taxes. The fourth ring was composed of Sheriffs and constables who would not arrest non-paying citizens. The fifth ring involved ordinary folk attempting to stop tax collection and property foreclosures through non-violent protest. Ring 6 was people trying to achieve those same goals through violent crowd action. Ring seven was composed of self-directed county militias that refused to follow orders to stop any of this protest. During the 1780’s, these seven rings of protection – each a clear example of popular democracy in action – formed a barrier for defending both property and popular notions of a just society.

Chapter 4: The Sheriff’s Wagon: The Crisis of the 1780’s” tells the story of the economic crisis that triggered the people’s resistance and rebellion.

Bouten writes that the Sheriff’s wagon was to many Pennsylvanians:

the most potent icon of the Revolution’s outcome. The image was this: the heavily loaded wagon of a county Sheriff bearing the foreclosed property of debt ridden citizens. The power of this icon came from its ubiquity. During the post war decade, the Sheriff’s wagon could be seen nearly everywhere. With its load of foreclosed property, it struggled up the gullied roads of the backcountry …. and rattled down the bumpy cobble-stone streets of Philadelphia, the richest city in the new nation. As was to be expected in a largely agricultural society, the wagon made most of its stops at the homes of small farmers. Yet its flat wooden bed was just as likely to hold the confiscated tools of a blacksmith, the grindstone of a miller, or the inventory of a small merchant.

But, unlike today’s apathy in many quarters, the common folks didn’t just sit back and take it.

In Chapter 5: Equal Power: “The People” Attempt to Reclaim the Revolution” , we get to the heart of the book.

During the 1780’s, ordinary Pennsylvanians launched an attack on the gospel of moneyed men and the hard times it created. These people demanded that State leaders save democracy by ending the policies that concentrated wealth amongst moneyed men. They called for new policies to make weal

When will people circle the wagons and resist the Trump fascist regime?

Resistance is as American as apple pie.

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Thanksgiving In Philly – Neighborhood Scenes

Lovely scenes we enjoy on our daily walk and are thankful for, from our Queen Village neighborhood:

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