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Dear Climate Activists: Please Stop FERC-ing Off!

April 11th, 2021 No comments

A Focus On FERC Is A Complete Waste of Time And A Diversion

Provides Political Cover For Democrats Who Support Gas

Suspicious Timing Just Days After Biden OK’s Dakota Acccess Pipeline

A NJ friend forwarded me an appeal by Friends Of Earth (FOE), titled:

Your Signature is Needed: FERC has approved over 130 fracked gas pipeline projects in the past five years

We have a chance to stop FERC from fast-tracking permit approval. The agency is revising its process, and we need an outpouring of activists like you to demand it stop greenlighting polluting pipelines.

Are you kidding me?

I can not think of anything lamer than urging activists to sign a petition to FERC asking them to please stop rubber stamping pipelines and strengthen their regulations!

I spent years of watching my former NJ colleagues waste their time with FERC, something I call “FERC-ing off”:

I’ve also spoken with many of you to advise that submission of comments to FERC is a waste of time, because FERC is captured by the energy industry and there is virtually no chance of FERC denying an approval of PennEast’s application.

So it is a disgrace to now see that same misguided waste of time and resources being replicated at the national level. (see:

So in frustration, I fired off this email to FOE and my NJ friend:

Dear FOE:

Appealing to FERC is a complete waste of time.

If activists want to change the FERC review and rubber stamp approval of pipelines, they have 3 choices:

1) amend the Natural Gas Act to put teeth in it – but that would require putting pressure on Pelosi and Schumer and all the corporate Democrats that support gas and pipelines. It is so absurd that activists can’t seem to pressure their Democratic friends; OR

2) design a campaign at the State level to target Governors and pressure them to kill pipelines via Stater power under Clean Water Act 401 by denying Water Quality Certification (or, Coastal Zone Management Act State powers, as appropriate). These State powers are NOT pre-empted by FERC and the Natural Gas Act. see:

3) Pressure Biden to use Executive power, e.g. issue an Executive Order declaring a moratorium on federal approvals and directing federal agencies to kill projects in the pipeline and strengthen regulations to assure that science based greenhouse gas emissions climate targets are met.

But Biden supports gas too! And activists won’t call him out for it or make real demands (Dems already are undermining Biden’s fake “pause” on drilling on public lands). We saw the same thing under Obama. For the pathetic state of liberals, see WaPo:

I’m expecting to see pipelines receive subsidies and “streamlined regulatory review” under Biden’s infrastructure plan. I’ve already read quotes from Sect. Transportation Buttigieg that included pipelines in the definition of infrastructure. And Biden supported the gas industry before the US supreme Court, see:

Biden loves to cut deals with Republicans from oil & gas states and pro-fossil Dems like Manchin from W. Va. FOE should be bird dogging ALL THAT.

This FERC stuff is a diversion on top of a waste of time – and it provides cover for Democrats. For example, just yesterday, did you see this from EarthJustice?

While FOE is FERC-ing off, there are also efforts in Congress that are getting zero attention, including:

  • legislation to expand gas and oil exports; (while exports should be banned)
  • legislation to strip states of power to kill pipelines under Section 401 of the Clean Water Act;
  • ignore Congressional Review Act powers to kill Trump regulator rollbacks. Democrats did nothing with this power for 4 years to block Trump rollbacks and are doing nothing with it now.
  • legislation to impose a tiny and regressive “price on carbon” in exchange for stripping EPA of authority to regulate greenhouse emissions. That’s the fossil energy industry’s “compromise”. And that’s exactly what was in the Obama first term climate bill sponsored by Congressman Markey. 

Time, resources, and the attention of activists are finite resources.

Stop FERC-ing off and wasting them!

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False Narrative On Warehouse Development Story Masks Corporate Power & Failures In State Planning, Regulation, and Media

March 22nd, 2021 No comments

Private Corporate Planning Portrayed As Public Interest Advocacy

Citizen Land Use Victories Ignored, While Ineffective Solutions Divert From What Works

Assuming Defeat Before The Battle Is Engaged

I’ve often criticized private – often elite Foundation and corporate funded – groups like NJ Future for falsely framing issues, trying to control the narrative, and to define the range of “feasible” public policy solutions to those issues. They offer up incremental and ineffective “solutions” that benefit their corporate donors while diverting attention from real solutions, manipulating and disempowering the public, and thereby undermining democracy. They disguise their corporate agendas behind a veneer of public interest slogans: sustainable development, regional planning, environment, infrastructure, jobs, brownfields redevelopment, urban redevelopment, and most recently, “equity”.

The warehouse sprawl issue is a classic example of all that.

Today, NJ Spotlight ran another important story about warehouse development and land use issues, see:

Today’s revised focus towards the need for state and regional planning appears to respond to a strong criticism I made of their prior coverage back in November, see:

I say appears to respond  for a reason – because it doesn’t. In fact, it does just the opposite. It doubles down on diversion.

Here’s the thrust of my prior criticism of NJ Spotlight’s failures that today’s story appears to respond to. Back in November, I wrote:

The solutions are regional planning and regulatory powers enforced by State and regional institutions (not county and local governments).

NJ has a well developed, time tested, and legally valid effective suite of State and regional planning and regulatory laws and institutions, i.e. 1) the NJ State Development and Redevelopment Plan and The State Planning Commission; 2) The Highlands Act, Regional Master Plan, and Highlands Council; and 3) the Department of Environmental Protection land use and water resource planning and permitting programs (as well as the State Department of Transportation).

While NJ Spotlight’s new emphasis shifted from local land use powers to the need for State and regional planning, it did so in a way that actually undermines and basically dismisses those approaches. Let me explain.

The story is based on a paper by Tim Evans of NJ Future. That paper is written from an economic development perspective.

Confirming my critique of NJ Future as a corporate planning group that masks corporate economic interests behind the mantle of faux public interest platitudes, it celebrates the growth of global trade, expansion of NJ ports and warehouses, and economic growth. Mr. Evans opens his paper with this revealing statement (emphasis mine):

Thanks to growth in both e-commerce and the volume of trade at the Port of New York and New Jersey, the amount of land needed for warehousing has been growing.

Thanks for nothing. This is neoliberal corporate shilling, not public policy or land use planning.

Mr. Evans further reveals his economic development and corporate objectives with this quote:

“Leaving the fate of one of New Jersey’s most important industries, and the decisions about where its need for land is accommodated, solely in the hands of our myriad local governments and their fiscal self-interest is no guarantee of a regionally-optimal solution,” wrote Tim Evans, director of research for the nonprofit New Jersey Future

Note that Mr. Evans does not disclose what he is seeking to “optimize” and NJ Spotlight didn’t even ask this fundamental question. If asked, he likely would say “efficiency” or “sustainability”, but those are just slogans and another technocratic smokescreen for corporate profits, rape of the landscape, and even more pollution and greenhouse gas emissions.

But instead of exposing the NJ Future charade, Jon Hurdle of NJ Spotlight perpetuates and strengthens it. This is really unforgivable, because I reached out to Hurdle to warn him, most recently back in November:

3) NJ Future – and groups like “Sustainable NJ” – have foolishly relied primarily on local governments, the NJ Municipal land Use Law, and voluntary private sector actions, while neglecting or even criticizing State, regional, and regulatory powers.

Just like the political actors, they too now are covering their asses for major strategic mistakes.

Why do you so consistently rely on sources that provide a false framing?

But that’s not close to several other highly misleading and distorted perspectives expressed in that one story.

How could a land use and regional planning focused story ignore – completely – NJ’s existing regional planning institutions, laws and regulations? The only “regional planning” authority Hurdle mentions is the North Jersey Transportation Planning Authority.

Again, I advised Jon Hurdle about that back in November:

John – there are 3 major omissions from your story that cry out for a followup:

1) Conservative anti-government and anti-regulatory officials and citizens in Warren and Sussex County have long strongly opposed the State Development and Redevelopment Plan, the Highlands Council, The RMP, and the DEP’s various regional planning and regulatory programs. (“Home rule”, “takings”, “State mandates” “red tape” etcetera)

How could a land use and transportation story ignore the climate emergency?

How could the need for Farmland Preservation, the effective power of State regulation, and the need for new law that preserves farmland be ignored? Why does NJ Spotlight ignore that possibility?

How could NJ’s regional planning and regulatory history be ignored? Again, we noted this context back in November:

So, why does the Spotlight story not only omit all that and focus exclusively on local and county voluntary coordination and demonstrably weak and ineffective tools under the “home rule” oriented NJ Municipal Land Use Law?

That failure is the result of reliance on sources that are right wing political ideologues. These folks serve in places of government power and are supported by residents in places like Warren and Sussex County who have long opposed the any role for State government (or the Highlands Council).

They opposed the State Plan, The Highlands Act, and the DEP.

Because groups like NJ Future and Sustainable NJ have duped and diverted well meaning residents and activists.

Of course, none of that history, context, law and institutions was mention in NJ Spotlight’s story.

Instead, NJ Spotlight again was duped by those who now need to cover their asses for huge strategic and political mistakes.

Yes, Mr. Hurdle did reframe the story and solicit the input of other perspectives and sources.

But his reframing again relies primarily on NJ Future’s economic development narrative (without disclosing that fact) and the other perspectives and sources are used as straw men, to be knocked down.

1. The myth of “Home rule” is strengthened, not exposed:

Municipalities, which have authority over land use, are attracted to the local taxes and jobs that come with new warehouses and many approve the plans over the objections of local critics.

This is legally a false statement. Municipalities are delegated limited land use power by the State legislature, under the State’s constitutional police power.

2.  The powers of State government and the politics of land use are distorted:

“It’s a home-rule state, and local governments have the final say,” he said. “It’s hard to reel that power back once you’ve handed it to the local governments; you are going to meet a lot of political resistance if you say you need to take some of it back.”

Again, these statements are factually false. Local governments do not have “the final say”. Under NJ law, regional entities like the Highlands Council and the Pinelands Commission have final say within their regions. Under NJ law, State regulatory agencies like the DEP have final say on infrastructure, water resources, and many environmental issues. Under NJ law, the Legislature has “taken back” local land use powers many times (from the Freshwater Wetlands Protection Act, to the Flood Hazard Control Act, to coastal land use under CAFRA.)

The politics of those issues was controversial, but they were strongly supported by public opinion (aka “democracy”), which is something pro-corporate Mr. Evans doesn’t want to talk about.

But it is unforgivable for NJ Spotlight to frame the issues this way and by ignoring prior citizen driven victories and assuming defeat before the battle is even engaged.

But that is exactly what NJ Future is designed and funded to do and why they are involved in the issue.

3. The debate over putting teeth in the State Plan is ignored:

Mike Cerra, executive director of the New Jersey League of Municipalities, argued that land-use decisions are best left in local hands, and that the official State Plan — a document that recommends where and how the state should grow — has not been widely accepted since it was last issued in 2001.

Beginning with Gov. Florio’s Executive Order #114, NJ Governor’s have used their powers to control land use and integrate the “voluntary” State Plan in DEP regulatory programs.

Instead of reporting this fact, NJ Spotlight prints lies from Mr. Cerra of the NJ League of Municipalities:

 “The State Plan has never been bought into by the respective state agencies, and has led to disjointed outcomes.”

“Open For Business” Gov. Whitman’s first Executive Order #1 undermined the land use focus of the State Plan and power of the State Planning Commission by forming an Economic Master Plan Commission.

Gov. Corzine issued Executive Order #114 directing “stronger implementation of the Highlands Master Plan”.

Gov. McGreevey’s DEP Commissioner Brad Campbell foolishly tried – and failed – to usurp the State Plan via his “Big Map” initiative in 2002, see:

But McGreevey over-rode Campbell’s strategic errors by successfully enacting the Highlands Act which protected almost 1 million acres and the DEP “Category One” streams buffer protection program, which prohibited development of over 150,000 acres of NJ’s most environmentally sensitive lands. Of course NJ Future doesn’t want to talk about this, but it is incredible that Mr. Hurdle ignored this.

But it was Gov. Christie’s Executive Order #78 that went even further than Whitman and dismantled the State Plan by replacing it with a Strategic Economic Development Plan. In light of this fact, it was journalistic malpractice for Mr. Hurdle to allow the NJ League Of Municipalities to lie about this, i.e.  that the state Plan “has not been widely accepted since it was last issued in 2001.”

NJ Spotlight and their State Plan sources completely ignore this history.

4. It gets so absurd that State planning powers are downplayed by State officials who should be advocating them:

Municipalities are not required to conform to the State Plan, which is a guidance document, said Donna Rendeiro, executive director of the state’s Office of Planning Advocacy. She said final land-use decisions are made locally but state or regional authorities can help towns with information or technical assistance, in cases that have a wider impact.

5. Academic experts are curiously completely baffled about planning and regulatory tools:

Regional coordination of warehouse development “would make a lot of sense,” said John Hasse, a Rowan University professor who monitors land-use patterns. It’s unclear what policy tools might enable that to happen, but regional management of impervious surface expansion might allow coordination while retaining local authority over the issue, he said.

6. Even former State Planning Commission members simply can’t communicate an effective and enforceable response and tell the truth:

Jim Gilbert, a former chairman of the New Jersey State Planning Commission, urged Gov. Phil Murphy, who appoints the panel’s chairman and executive director, to empower the commission to require counties to coordinate planning.

He acknowledged that such a change would reduce municipalities’ power over land-use decisions, but argued that it would reduce the threat of warehouse development on greenfield sites, as proposed in White Township, Warren County, where a developer wants to build 2.8 million square feet of warehouse space on farmland, a project that Gilbert said would “destroy” the county.

“There are responsible developers who redevelop existing industrial sites, and others who want to build in the middle of a cornfield,” he said.

7. At the very end of a long story, the only knowledgeable voice with integrity – Jeff Tittel of Sierra Club, who has been in the trenches on these battles for decades and is fully aware of all of the above – was marginalized and limited to a single project in Ocean County.

Worse, he was then undermined and contradicted by Mr. Evans of NJ Future.

That is disgusting and unforgivable bullshit. So, I fired off this brief email note to Mr. Hurdle:

Jon – I just read NJ Future’s Tim Evans paper you sourced.

It could have been written by the Chamber of Commerce or NJBIA.

Don’t you owe your readers that knowledge?

Instead, you cherry picked 2 sentences from the paper to reinforce the false impression of NJ Future and it’s agenda..

I’ve told you several times (backed up by links to their Board and examples) that NJ Future is a corporate dominated organization that uses “planning” to promote corporate economic objectives.

To add insult to injury, you ignored NJ’s rich regional planning history, existing regional planning institutions (Highlands, Pinelands, HMC, DEP) and the efforts to put teeth in the NJ State Plan via DEP regulations and regional planning water and infrastructure powers.

BTW, Gov. Christie abandoned the State Plan’s land use planning orientation and changed it to a strategic business/economic development plan, another highly significant fact that you obscure with a backhanded reference.

You must do better.

Wolfe

(Cornell Graduate School, City and Regional Planning, 1983-1985, plus 35 years of NJ planning and regulatory experience).

[End Note: I’ve warned Mr. Hurdle about NJ Future multiple times, so today’s story is no mere oversight or lazy reporting. It’s intentionally misleading. We told you so, when I wrote the following:

[…]

And just as we predicted, NJ Future supported private corporate interests and the allocation of a larger burden of costs to ratepayers.

But NJ Future – echoing the greed of private water companies – went even further to argue that people should pay 100% of the infrastructure upgrade costs, with private companies paying ZERO!

The utilities, for example, want ratepayers to pay the whole cost of infrastructure upgrades — but that, he said, would be “unfair.”

New Jersey Future, too, wants ratepayers in all but the most impoverished areas to pay all the cost for lead service line replacement, [NJ Future’s] Sturm said. She argued that the costs would be modest when spread across most ratepayers.

We predicted exactly this would happen:

Today, privatization and Foundation abuses combine, in an effort to hijack the agenda for responding to the public health crisis of lead in drinking water, see: Jersey Water Works Forms Task Force Focused on Lead in State’s Drinking Water. […]

The work of the Task Force is under the control of NJ Future, a “planning” group with a corporate and development oriented Board and a very checkered political history, going back to “smart growth” collaboration with the Whitman administration and more recently including secret planning with the Christie administration to privatize and develop Liberty State Park, a failed scheme (as the Bergen Record reported:)

Of course, the Task Force includes several representatives of the water companies that seek to avoid high cost real solutions, like regulatory mandates and community involvement to solving the lead problems.

NJ Future is not a public health, environmental or public interest group. They are a private group who represent corporate and development interests. They have no membership other than the corporate interests on their Board and the private foundations who fund them.They are a classic example of what I’ve called Green Cannibals.

Why is NJ Future considered a legitimate public “Stakeholder” by Legislators and the media spokespersons on this critical public issue?

I fired off this email to NJ Spotlight reporter Jon Hurdle and his editor John Mooney:

Jon – your report today:

“New Jersey Future, too, wants ratepayers in all but the most impoverished areas to pay all the cost for lead service line replacement, Sturm said. She argued that the costs would be modest when spread across most ratepayers.”

You need to disclose to readers who NJ Future represents – look at their Board and look at who funds them. Look at the membership of the coalition they are involved in and who funds them. NJ Future is NOT a public interest, public health, or environmental advocacy group. Your readers deserved to know that. And why would such a private and biased group be the lead spokesperson on a public health issue?

We warned folks that exactly this would happen, see:

Foundation Elites and Private Water Companies Hijack Lead In Drinking Water Issue

http://www.wolfenotes.com/2019/01/foundation-elites-and-private-water-companies-hijack-lead-in-drinking-water-issue/

Wolfe
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Biden PennEast Pipeline Betrayal Tests NJ Gov. Murphy’s Climate Commitments

March 16th, 2021 No comments

Will Murphy’s DEP Kill Pipeline By Denying Water Quality Certificate?

Will NJ’s Green Mafia and Media Call Out the Biden Betrayal?

Biden’s Lawyers Actually Tout US History of Plantations and Indian Reservations

Last week, the Biden Administration’s Acting Solicitor General filed a brief to the US Supreme Court in support of the PennEast pipeline and against the State of New Jersey.

The Biden brief argues that the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) may delegate power to a private corporation to condemn and take State owned preserved public land by eminent domain to build a fossil pipeline.

This amounts to the radical right wing corporatism FDR warned about:

“The liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerated the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than the democratic state itself. That in its essence is fascism: ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or any controlling private power.”

(NJ folks should know that the NJ Business and Industry Association (NJBIA) also filed a brief in support of PennEast.)

Here’s the national story (it’s tough to keep abreast of the news while on the road):

In the likely event that the 6-3 right wing Supreme Court agrees, the implications are nation-wide and a disaster for climate and anti-pipeline activists. The NJ BIA brief makes those implications very clear (if PennEast loses):

First, it will severely impede the continued orderly development of critically needed natural gas infrastructure. Second, it will render large reserves of natural gas in states like Pennsylvania unavailable to meet the growing energy needs of states like New Jersey. Third, by slowing or potentially halting interstate pipeline development, it will deprive the nation of the substantial economic activity associated with both the construction of the pipelines themselves, and the upstream and downstream users of the natural gas they transport. Finally, by introducing delay and uncertainty into the approval process, and casting into doubt the utility of a FERC-issued certificate of public convenience, it will make pipelines more difficult to finance and more expensive to build.

The implications are made even worse given the Biden Administration’s upcoming “infrastructure plan”, which certainly will include corporate subsidies, privatization, and deregulation – under the guise of “public private partnerships” – for fossil pipelines (remember, it was Obama who bragged about overseeing record US oil and gas production as well as miles of pipelines installed. Surely Joe Biden remembers that. Take a look!)

obama-pipes1

Under my administration, America is producing more oil than at any time in the last eight years. We’ve opened up new areas for exploration. We’ve quadrupled the number of operating rigs to a record high. We’ve added enough new oil and gas pipeline to circle the Earth and then some,” Obama said (source)

The Biden brief contradicts Biden’s climate commitments and can only accelerate and expand construction of fossil pipelines and fossil infrastructure (amidst all the climate talk, see huge growth of US oil production, and US gas production, and US coal production). 

The Biden brief completely destroys the legal strategy of Gov. Murphy and NJ Attorney General Grewal.

The Biden brief tramples on NJ’s legal, political, and environmental interests, as well as Gov. Murphy’s Energy Master Plan and DEP’s upcoming Climate PACT regulatory initiative.

The Biden brief exposes the misguided strategy of NJ’s “Green Mafia”, who have relied on private property protections and virtually ignored State Police powers and DEP’s regulatory powers under Section 401 of the Clean Water Act to kill the PennEast and other pipelines.

We’ve been writing about that and NY State and Connecticut’s 401 WQC denials, and criticizing NJ fools like Tom Gilbert for their failure to focus on it for over 4 years, see:

Media should ask AG Grewal if NJ DEP is willing to pull that legal trigger.

We specifically warned – many times, for several years – about the misguided, dishonest, cowardly, and failed strategy of cheerleaders like Rethink Energy NJ.

NJ Attorney General Grewal and opponents of the PennEast pipeline are calling the US 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals decision a “major victory” and a “groundbreaking ruling” and that the decision “stops PennEast in their tracks”.

They are exaggerating, misleading the public, making factually false statements, and simply not telling the full story. The decision is not a “groundbreaking ruling”, not a “major victory”, and will not “stop the project in its tracks”.

By making these exaggerated and false claims, they are undermining activist efforts to block all proposed pipelines and all fossil infrastructure, to inject climate change in regulatory decisions, and to enforce the Clean Water Act.

We exposed the failed focus on open space, see:

And we exposed the failed neglect and outright lies about DEP’s regulatory power, most recently last January, see:

But you wouldn’t know any of that by reading NJ Spotlight –  a media outlet who has long spun the PennEast pipeline story and provided a platform for cheerleaders like Tom Gilbert of Rethink Energy NJ – or by following Green Mafia websites and press releases.

Just the opposite: NJ Spotlight’s cheerleading for gas even got quoted in the NJ BIA brief:

“Inexpensive natural gas from Pennsylvania has been a boon to both customers who heat their homes with the fuel and to businesses that rely on it as a basic building block of their manufacturing processes.” Tom Johnson, [cite omitted]

It’s radio silence over there and in many other high places that are adversely impacted by the Biden betrayal. Biden’s betrayals are being given a pass – just like Obama’s were.

Paging Tom Gilbert – where are you?

Paging Attorney General Grewal – where are you?

Paging Acting DEP Commissioner LaTourette – where are you?

Paging NJ BPU Commissioners – where are you?

Paging Gov. Murphy – where are you?

Paging Senate Environment Committee Chairman Smith – where are you?

NJ lawyers and Rutgers Law School- where are you?

Paging NJ press corps – where are you?

[End Note: The case will not be limited to the Natural Gas Act or pipelines.

It will vastly expand corporate power in many ways, and not just for infrastructure.

And it will also effect related issues, including federalism, interstate commerce, and the powers of State’s under the Clean Water Act.

Biden’s brief represents a radical and fundamental view: (@page 10)

In light of the long unbroken history of colonial, state, and federal delegations of such authority, there is no basis to conclude that, when the States granted the federal government the eminent-domain power in the plan of the Convention, they silently retained the right to veto delegations of its exercise, as long as they could first obtain any property interest in the land at issue.

And this argument has broad and damaging implications:

The interests States own today, moreover, are just the beginning. Most States utilize State-owned conservation easements like the ones that respondents rely on  here. …. The federal government generally supports States’ efforts to use such easements to protect valuable farmland and open space. See 7 C.F.R. Pt. 1468 (grant programs). But the decision below converts those programs into a sword against federally approved projects.

The Biden brief explicitly attacks the private property strategy Rethink Energy NJ relied on:

For example, in New Jersey, the State can acquire new conservation easements by purchase or condemna- tion. See N.J. Stat. Ann. §§ 13:8A-37(d), 13:8A-40(a) (West 2003). Under the court of appeals’ decision, all the State needs to preclude any FERC-approved project it opposes is a willing landowner along the route. Indeed, even if the landowner were unwilling, the State could invoke its own eminent-domain power. Id. § 13:8A- 40. While a landowner could fight those efforts, New Jersey is a quick-take State that can acquire immediate title upon filing a declaration of taking and depositing estimated compensation. Id. § 20:3-19 (West 1997).

Ans here’s where privatization and corporate power are magnified and extended beyond any effective limits:

The only question, then, is whether the federal eminent- domain power inherent in the plan of the Convention includes the ability to authorize private entities to exercise it. History answers that question with a yes.

b. The power of eminent domain has been under- stood since before the Founding as a sovereign power that private entities may exercise for projects that the sovereign deems in the public interest.

And in a grab your hat “holy shit!” moment, Biden’s brief actually celebrates the power of PLANTATION OWNERS!

In Pennsylvania, for example, any person could apply to a justice of the peace for a “road to be laid out from or to the plantation or dwelling-place of any person or persons to or from the highway.” 1735 Pa. Highway Act

And establishment of INDIAN RESERVATIONS:

For the nearly 150 years since Kohl, no one ap- pears to have seriously questioned that the federal government’s eminent-domain authority includes the authority to condemn property owned by a State. .[…] see Act of July 24, 1935, ch. 414, § 2, 49 Stat. 496-467 (authorizing Secretary of the Interior to “acquire by condemnation” certain lands “held in public, private, State, or Indian ownership” for purposes of establishing an Indian reservation);

How could conservatives support that expansion in scope of power, particularly to “take” property?

How could conservatives support trampling of State’s rights?

How could conservatives support such a vast expansion of federal government power?

I’m going to predict that the Supreme Court will narrowly decide the case based on jurisdiction.

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Conservation & Climate Contradictions

March 4th, 2021 No comments

Land Trusts Undermine Science Based Regional Planning and Regulation

Rutgers Study Used To Support Forest Preservation

Same Rutgers Study Advocated Massive Commercial Logging

NJ Spotlight’s story today is a study in contradictions (beginning with the headline!), see:

I want to focus on climate, but I must first mention the deeply troubling pattern of how elite land preservation trusts constantly promote development with the slogan “smart growth” and undermine the role of State and regional planning and regulation.

I)  Conservation Contradictions

The Land Trust model depends on the kindness of rich strangers: wealthy landowners and willing sellers. As a result, their opportunistic and money driven preservation projects result in a scattershot patchwork that is the antithesis of science based planning. Often, Land Trust deals are just that – a parcel of land is preserved in exchange for development – deals that undermine the efforts of local activists, local governments, and state and regional planners and regulators to restrict development.

(Importantly, the Land Trust model is private and secret and thus anti-democratic by definition. In contrast, the landscape, water, and plant and wildlife are public trust resources and must be protected via open, transparent, and democratic governmental – not private – means.)

The Nature Conservancy (TNC) is an egregious practitioner of that:

“You also need economic development, so, to me, smart growth planning is the sweet spot,” said Eric Olsen, director of lands and rivers for The Nature Conservancy. “What we’re trying to do is protect 40, 100, 200 acres at a time to build a pattern of protected lands.”

The Highlands Act is not based on “smart growth”, so thankfully TNC was AWOL during passage of the Highlands Act. Olsen can take his “sweet spot” and shove it.

Where has TNC been for the last 16 years of implementation of Highlands regional planning and DEP regulation? The Act mapped a core “preservation area” of some 400,000 acres (over 400,00 acres more in the Planning Area are eligible for more aggressive protections). That protected NJ land is 8 TIMES larger than the TNC goal for the entire Appalachian region:

The initiative, called the Appalachian Landscapes Protection Fund, aims to raise up to $18 million to conserve 50,000 acres of forest throughout the Appalachian range.

The Highlands Act regulates development in the Preservation area at perhaps the lowest density in the country – 1 unit per 88 acres – prohibits disturbance of 300 foot wide buffers along streams and lakes, and a whopping 1,000 feet buffer for vernal pools: (Highlands Plan)

Vernal pools are certified by the NJDEP, and to protect and promote the biodiversity of vernal pools, the Highlands Council has determined that a terrestrial habitat protection buffer of 1,000 feet around vernal pools will generally address the habitat requirements of vernal pool-breeding wildlife.

The Highlands Act prohibited the extension of infrastructure to support new development. That’s an incredibly important tool and timely in light of calls to impose a moratorium on new fossil infrastructure.

Contradicting these incredibly powerful national models of planning and regulatory tools – which the Spotlight story ignores –  TNC or Ruga spun this misleading crap to the Spotlight reporter and once again the Highlands Act’s aggressive planning and regulation get short shrift:

The Highlands Act, passed in 2004, has helped to rein in unchecked development and community planning, though New Jersey’s complex system of home rule often cuts against strategic land conservation efforts.

There are three lies there:

1. The Highlands Act “helped”? Are you kidding me? The Highlands Act has protected far more land, water, and habitat than TNC and the Appalachian Landscapes Protection Fund.

2. “Complex system”? The Highlands Act over-rides local home rule in the Preservation Area. How could that fact be ignored?

3. “ strategic land conservation efforts”? Again, are you kidding me? TNC relies on voluntary willing sellers. That means that the location, extent, and timing of their acquisitions is opportunistic and transactional. THERE IS NO SCIENCE BASED PLAN. THAT IS THE OPPOSITE OF STRATEGIC.

Now getting back to our climate contradictions.

II)  Climate Contradictions

I particularly latched on to this important paragraph in the Spotlight story:

A 2011 study by Rutgers University and the state Department of Environmental Protection, which looked at the carbon density of New Jersey’s forests, found that the Highlands are between 50 and 75 years away from peak growth (as of the study’s publication date), meaning they will continue to build carbon capacity for much of the remainder of this century. Soils and organic matter will sequester carbon at increasing rates for even longer.

That’s a critically important point for 2 reasons:

1) it directly contradicts the primary rationale that the Murphy DEP and NJ Audubon use to justify logging in Highlands forests. DEP and NJA argue that Highlands forests are old and need to be made more diverse by logging to create “young forests”.

2) It also exposes a major flaw in DEP and NJA logging because those logging initiatives completely ignore carbon sequestration.

Yet neither Elliott Ruga, TNC, or the Spotlight reporter seem to be aware of all that and fail to mention it. Just like they fail to mention the protections afforded by the Highlands Act.

I can’t figure out if this is a result of incompetence or corruption – probably both.

But the contradictions continue.

That same Rutgers study that estimated carbon sequestration in NJ forests and provided a strong rationale for preserving all remaining forests, also provided a justification for massive commercial logging of those same forests!

I recall warning about this biomass bullshit threat to NJ forests years ago, see:

So, the Rutgers study is not all sweetness and light. Check out these findings from Rutgers:

In order to determine the amount of wood-based biomass that could be sustainably produced in NJ and the resultant renewable energy production potential, an assessment of the major sources of wood was conducted. These included Class 1 type materials including; Forestry Residues, Primary and Secondary Forestry Products Industry Residues, Urban Forestry and Landscaping Residues, and Bioenergy Crops and Class 2 material which was from Construction and Demolition Waste sources. Once the maximum potential quantities of wood-based biomass was determined, the renewable energy production potential was determined based on the current efficiencies of the various appropriate conversion technologies. […]

New Jersey has many business development opportunities for wood-based bioenergy production. The information provided can be used as a resource for project developers looking to locate their business in New Jersey. In addition to the economic benefits of using NJ’s woody biomass for energy production, there are many environmental benefits that could be realized from utilizing woody biomass as well.

“Wood-based bioenergy production” means logging our forests, not using them for carbon sequestration.

The people of NJ do not want to promote “business development opportunities” or provide incentives to locate a commercial logging industry in New Jersey.

Again, all these outrageous contradictions are just ignored by Ruga,  Olson and NJ Spotlight.

(and will someone please tell Elliott Ruga to stop the economic metaphors and reinforcing economic interests that are killing us?)

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DRBC Fracking Ban Manufactures Doubt On Climate Impacts Of Methane

February 28th, 2021 No comments

DRBC Decision Parrots Gas Industry’s False Claims

DRBC Misleads The Public and Dodges Issues Regarding DRBC Jurisdiction Over Climate

It is actually hard to manufacture this much uncertainty in just two paragraphs and to tie that uncertainty to a justification of a colossal failure to act.

Shortly after learning of the Delaware River Basis Commission’s (DRBC) decision to ban fracking – and after reading the DRBC’s findings and determinations that formed the basis for that decision – I wrote about how the DRBC’s failure to incorporate climate issues was actually good for the gas industry, by allowing them to continue to avoid regulation, see:

Because I knew that many activists and climate scientists had submitted comments to DRBC on the issues surrounding fracking and the climate emergency – and because DRBC’s own scientific studies documents climate impacts on the basin – today I review the DRBC’s “response to public comment” document to drill down on how the DRBC responded to those comments.

I particularly focused on 2 critical issues: 1) how DRBC addressed the issue of their jurisdiction over climate issues; and 2) how DRBC responded to the climate science.

Upon reading the merits of these two issues, I must revise my prior conclusions.

What DRBC did is actually worse than merely ignoring the climate issues and failing to incorporate them in their decision.

DRBC actively “manufactured doubt” about fracking, the climate emergency, and methane and they bamboozled the public by obscuring the critical issue of how, by refusing to assert jurisdiction – even in the face of compelling science and law –  they effectively denied jurisdiction over climate related impacts of fracking.

[Note on sources: Professor Michaels’ “Doubt Is Their Product” (2008) does a better job and was published 2 years before Professor Oreskes’ more popular “Merchants of Doubt”)

So, let’s drill down on those 2 crucial issues.

I) Does DRBC Have Jurisdiction Over Climate Related Impacts?

While I think the science and the law are compelling in support of that the answer is a resounding YES – and I’ve been repeatedly correct in this assessment – let me try to contextualize and summarize the contours of this critical issue.

It is a novel legal question whether DRBC has jurisdiction under their founding Compact to regulate based upon the climate impacts of fracking on the “regulated features” of basin and the delegated powers and objectives of the Compact.

Recall that the regulatory jurisdiction of the US EPA under the Clean Air Act regarding greenhouse gases was resolved by the US Supreme Court, in the landmark 2006 Massachusetts v. EPA decision.

Closer to home, back in 2013, the Pinelands Commission’s Legal Counsel Stacey Roth denied jurisdiction under the Pinelands Protection Act, but that decisions was reversed 7 years later.

NJ DEP, back in 2003 – before the US Supreme Court – asserted regulatory jurisdiction under the NJ Air Pollution Control Act, but never adopted regulations on emissions and provided a loophole from regulations. Here is evidence to support that, from DEP regulatory documents:

On January 23, 2003, the Department adopted regulations requiring large stationary sources to report emissions of the greenhouse gases carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane (CH4) (DEP Docket No. 03-02-01/149).

Readers that are interested in this shameful regulatory history should visit my September 2017 post:

Currently, DEP is months behind schedule but poised to propose major climate PACT regulations, but the scope of those regulations, particularly regarding DEP water resource and land use programs, is totally unclear.

As I’ve written many times, other States – like New York – have asserted regulatory jurisdiction over not only greenhouse gas emissions, but also on water resources .. This has provided a basis for NY DEC to deny pipeline permits under the Clean Water Act’s Section 401 Water Quality Certification authority.

Instead of openly and transparently engaging and clarifying this critical jurisdictional issue, the Commission not only evaded doing so, but they misled the public and obscured the fact that they in fact denied jurisdiction.

Here’s what the DRBC wrote on the jurisdiction question. The entire public comments and DRBC responses begins on page 265:

The Commissioners and the Commission staff recognize the impacts of climate change on the water cycle and the associated water resource management challenges. In 2019 the Commission established an Advisory Committee on Climate Change (“ACCC”). The Commission along with DRBC staff and with input from the ACCC and the public, will to continue to examine policy, regulation, science, and planning direction as needed to mitigate and adapt to water resource related climate impacts. In accordance with the authority conferred on the Commission by the Delaware River Basin Compact, the final regulations on HVHF will be incorporated in and will effectuate the Comprehensive Plan for the planning, development, conservation, utilization, management and control of the water resources of the Basin to meet present and future needs. (@ p. 267)

The DRBC claims to be examining “regulation”, but then they obscure the fact that they failed to regulate in their fracking ban decision.

“The final regulations on HVHF” do not and will not incorporate climate as a regulatory basis. The DRBC findings and conclusions that formed the basis of the fracking ban decision failed to do so and failed to build a nexus between fracking, GHG emissions, and climate impacts on regulated features. The findings and conclusions also form the basis oof the “final regulations on HVHF”.

By not asserting jurisdiction, the DRBC just effectively denied it. Just what the gas industry ordered.

II) DRBC Manufactured Uncertainty About Fracking, Methane, and The Climate Emergency

How the DRBC addressed the climate science is far worse than obscuring the jurisdiction issue.

DRBC used classic “manufacturing uncertainty” tactics:

1) they falsely claimed that data are not adequate to support a decision, relied on a false equivalence on competing science,  and inverted the scientific and legal burden of proof;

2) they parroted gas industry spin and misinformation, specifically “he said – she said” tactics; and

3) they formed an “Advisory Committee” to deflect responsibility and manufacture doubt:

DRBC actually used the phrase “on the other hand” and “insufficient data” (and even provided an echo of Trump’s “very fine people on both sides”).

Here it is:(at page 265)

The Commission appreciates the comments related to climate change generally and to the potential for impacts within the Delaware River Basin in particular. Most comments received on this issue highlighted the increasing reliance on natural gas as a regional and national energy source, and on the role of natural gas, a principal component of which is methane, in contributing to global warming. Other commenters have suggested that natural gas is a “cleaner” fossil fuel source than coal and liquid petroleum products, and that wider utilization of natural gas has contributed to a reduction in certain greenhouse gases. There are data to support both perspectives.

While greenhouse gas emissions contribute to increased warming of the Earth’s atmosphere, there is insufficient data to predict the extent to which fugitive releases from future HVHF-related activities, if allowed in the Basin, would cause in temperatures, hydrologic trends, sea level rise, or other climate-related conditions within the Basin. Moreover, a prohibition on HVHF within the Delaware River Basin may create the potential for drilling activity to be more heavily concentrated in areas of the Marcellus and Utica plays in which HVHF is permitted. The outcome may simply be an altered spatial distribution rather than a net decrease in methane emissions.

Whether the growing reliance on natural gas as a fuel alternative is resulting in a net reduction in greenhouse gas emissions is difficult to gage. On the one hand, this trend has been responsible in part for a decline since 2005 in emissions of one significant greenhouse gas – carbon dioxide (CO2). For example, the U.S. Energy Information Administration (USEIA) documented a 14 percent reduction in energy-related CO2 emissions between 2005 and 2017 (EIA, 2018). Although CO2 emissions from natural gas consumption grew, these increases were more than offset by reductions in coal- sourced electrical power generation. As the USEIA points out, “… because natural gas produces more energy for the same amount of emissions as coal, growth in natural gas consumption contributed to the overall 2017 decline in carbon intensity and emissions.” (EIA, 2018). However, data show a re- versal of the downward trend in 2018, with an increase of 2.7 percent in carbon dioxide emissions from the energy generation/use sector (EIA, 2019c; Huba, 2019). But without better data on methane emissions throughout HVHF-related activities, the net effect of HVHF on greenhouse gas emissions cannot be determined.

These are not only classic “manufacturing uncertainty” tactics to delay, narrow, weaken, and avoid regulation.

The DRBC is parroting gas industry positions and equating them with science.

For example, note the use of the words “insufficient data”, the concept of “causality”, the weasel words “certain greenhouse gases” and “may create” and “contributed” and “difficult to gauge”.

Note also the implicit twisted burden of proof – it’s placed on the Commission to predict and demonstrate causal impacts instead of the gas industry to prevent harms.

It is actually hard to manufacture this much uncertainty in just two paragraphs and to tie that uncertainty to a justification of a colossal failure to act.

And that’s not only a horrible decision and precedent for DRBC,  but also for the upcoming DEP PACT regulations.

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